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Comments on தமிழ்மணி: இரண்டாவது அனானியுடன் தியாகு விவாதம்





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துயரம் தோய்ந்த வார்த்தைகள். ஜனநாயகத்துக்கு பழகிக்க...

2007-11-13T07:56:00.000-08:00

துயரம் தோய்ந்த வார்த்தைகள்.

ஜனநாயகத்துக்கு பழகிக்கொள்வதும், ஜனநாயகத்தை புரிந்துகொள்வதும் 60 வருடத்துக்கும் மேல் ஜனநாயகத்தில் இருக்கும் இன்றைய இந்திய அறிவுஜீவிகளுக்குக் கூட கடினமாக இருக்கும்போது, அடக்குமுறையிலேயே வாழ்ந்து பழக்கப்பட்டுவிட்ட ரஷியர்களுக்கு கடினமாக இருக்கிறது என்பது புரிந்துகொள்ளக்கூடியதுதான்.



தமிழ்மணி அவர்களே,அனானி -2 இன் அடுத்த பதிவு. அடுத்...

2007-11-05T06:09:00.000-08:00

தமிழ்மணி அவர்களே,அனானி -2 இன் அடுத்த பதிவு. அடுத்த முறை என் வலைப் பெயரில் போடுகிறேன். வரமாட்டார்கள். தம் பித்தளைக் கருத்துகளைத் தங்கம் என்று சொல்லிப் பிழைப்பதே வழக்கமான மார்க்சிய/ மாவோவிய/ லெனினியக் கூட்டம் எதிர்க் கேள்விகளை வரலாற்று ஆதாரங்களோடு கேட்கத் தெரிந்தவர்களைக் கண்டால் ஓடுவது உலகெங்கும் நடப்பதுதான். ஃப்ரெஞ்சு மாவோயிஸ்டுகள் இப்படித்தான் ஓடி ஒளிந்தார்கள்- அதிகாரம் என்பது இல்லாத சமுதாயம் ஏது என்ற சாதாரணக் கேள்விக்குப் பதில் சொல்ல இயலாமல். அதிகாரம் கையில் இருந்தால் கொடுஞ்சிறை அல்லது 'உழைப்பு முகாம்' அல்லது தூக்கு/ துப்பாக்கித் தோட்டா என்று தானே எதிர்க் கருத்துகளைச் சந்தித்துப் பழக்கம். அதிகாரம் இலலாத ஜார்கண்ட் பகுதிகளில் இரவில் ஒரு கொலைகாரக் கூட்டமாக வந்து குடும்பத்தோடு சுட்டுத் தள்ளும் மகா வீரர்கள் இவர்கள். கருத்து வாதம் செய்ய ஏன் வரப் போகிறார்கள்? உங்கள் IP முகவரி என்ன எப்படி வந்து தாக்கலாம் என்று தேடிக் கொண்டிருப்பார்கள். _________________________இன்றைய அளிப்பு: இங்கு சேமிக்கப் பட்டு வரும் தகவல் குவியலுக்கு வலுச் சேர்க்க. ___________________________ரஷ்யர் ஒருவர் புடின் எப்படி பழைய கம்யுனிச/ ஸ்டாலினிய அதிகார வெறி, கருத்து மமதை, மக்களைப் புழுவென நடத்தும் திமிர் ஆகியவற்றின் தற்கால வடிவமாக இன்று உருவெடுத்துள்ளார் என்பதை விளக்குகிறார். இது ஆங்கிலத்தில் இருக்கிறது. வாசகர்கள் பொறுக்கவும். இதை மொழிபெயர்த்துத் தருமளவு எனக்கு அவகாசம் இல்லை. The New York Review of BooksHome · Your account · Current issue · Archives · Subscriptions · Calendar · Classifieds · Newsletters · Gallery · NYR BooksVolume 54, Number 18 · November 22, 2007email icon Email to a friendRSS RSS feedFeatureWhy Putin WinsBy Sergei KovalevI should begin by saying that I find the current president of Russia and his policies extremely offensive. I believe that Vladimir Putin is the most sinister figure in contemporary Russian history. From the very beginning of his rule[...]



காத்திருக்கிறேன்.. நண்பர்களே.இதற்கு பதில் எழுதியிர...

2007-11-04T07:28:00.000-08:00

காத்திருக்கிறேன்.. நண்பர்களே.

இதற்கு பதில் எழுதியிருந்தீர்கள் என்றால், இங்கே பதியுங்கள்



another post on Russia and the anniversary of the ...

2007-11-02T20:07:00.000-07:00

another post on Russia and the anniversary of the Great Socialist October Revolution on 7 November 1917. Anony-2 is the poster. ___________________________________ A massive amount of hypocrisy, historical and cultural ignorance and willful political fraud is driving a murderous gang that calls itself Maoists in Tamil Nadu. Any group that has no shame in parading the name of Stalin as a savior of the workers, is either completely demented or is deliberately committing a cultural, political fraud on the people. Sometimes more information, open air and sunshine kills even deadly germs. So let me add more information on the public arena so that they will at least have to work harder to fool the people and youth of Tamil Nadu. That is the most I can do at this point. This is from a good web site Open Democracy. No, it is not a site funded by 'Capitalist' machinations, in fact it is a firm leftist site, global in nature. Many an indian leftist writes here. I read it get all perspectives in order to set my ethical compass in alignment with the welfare of the people of the world and India. Quote:logoPublished on openDemocracy (http://www.opendemocracy.net)Russia's festive days: tides of historyBy Zygmunt DzieciolowskiCreated 2007-11-02 13:32For more than seventy years, the anniversary of the Great Socialist October Revolution on 7 November 1917 was celebrated in Moscow and across the vast territory of Russia and the rest of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (the discordance of dates being explained by the post-revolutionary shift to a new calendar). The Soviet elite - members of the politburo, the top brass of the Red Army, cosmonauts and others would appear on a raised platform in Red Square - in front of Lenin's mausoleum - to view the gigantic military parade. Amidst these symbols of the nation's power, the speech of the general secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union would express his solidarity with peace-loving forces around the world and send a warning to capitalist enemies in the west.This date was the centrepiece of the Soviet festive calendar, but around it clustered other days (May Day and Victory Day being the most prominent) which were integral parts of the communist state's symbolic architecture: as much part of Soviet life as the seasons of the year, and (since similar festivities took place in all the Soviet republics) a "binding" experience for this huge system.The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 meant that some rebranding was required, whether by reversion to an older, pre-Soviet history or an invention of new celebratory moments in keeping with the rebirth of national statehood. The idea of cancelling the opportunity for festivity was unthinkable: after all, whatever the formal designation or political meaning, for most Soviet citizens the November or May events principally meant two days' holiday - a right they were not keen to give up after the little matter of the disappearance of their old state.Communism's echoRussia's first post-communist leader Boris Yeltsin was unready to call an abrupt halt to the annual Red Square promise of a glorious communist tomorrow. What to do? Yeltsin's advisors proposed keeping 7 November as a state holiday, but - now that the revolution was coming to be seen as the launch of seven decades of suffering and repression - renaming it as the Day of Accord and Reconciliation.Most Russians themselves did not care as long as they could stay at home, as they had for many years past. But for the new Russian state, the problem of November was emblematic of its difficulty from the start. The older generations that had lived through Soviet times could hardly forget the rituals of their previous life. Meanwhile, the new generation faced with the hardships of a[...]



anony-2 posting:This is a debate from the venerabl...

2007-11-02T07:19:00.000-07:00

anony-2 posting:This is a debate from the venerable Monthly review magazine, which of course is the staple diet for many of the 'learned marxists' in Tamil Nadu for the past 30 years at least. You will find the dust laden volumes in their personal collections if you happen to visit them in their residences. Read on. It is funny, sad and at times gut wrenching to see these british marxists try all kinds of somersaults to justify the stalinist violence and mass murders. The same old logic of Hobbes- ends justify means. So what is sad about it? In the end the end achieved is the same old same old oppression of the workers and the peasants in the name of some empty slogan of an ideal. That is another massive fraud perpetrated on the poor of the world by slick middle class intellectuals hungry for power and control. All unfiltered evil minds masquerading as the friends of the poor, calculating all the time who is more submissive, and who is not to make sure to kill the rebellious. http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/lin291007p.htmlOn the Ninetieth Anniversary of the Russian Revolution: Why Socialism Did Not Failby Sharat G. Lin When the Russian Revolution of October 1917 took place, it raised the hopes of the working class worldwide that a socialist state was possible. The civil war that followed plus the intervention of foreign powers devastated the economy, necessitating a postponement in the transition to socialist relations of production. The New Economic Policy was a stop-gap measure to sustain agricultural and industrial production in the face of war and potential famine. It was not until the 1930s that collectivization of farms and factories, and state ownership of the means of production, could be completed. The violence before and after October 1917 was taken as an indication that a peaceful transition to socialism was not possible because the propertied classes would not willingly give up their privileges.On the contrary, when Boris Yeltsin effectively dissolved the Soviet Union in December 1991, allowing the republics to go their own ways, and vowed to transform Russia into a capitalist market economy, it surprised many that the counter-revolution could have happened with so little effort and largely without violent upheaval. Many on the left lamented the apparent collapse of socialism in Russia and withering away of socialist relations of production in the republics.The 1917 capture of state power by the Bolsheviks was accompanied by workers winning control of factories and establishing workers' soviets. However, a careful examination of Soviet history suggests that the period from the end of the New Economic Policy (1929) to the beginning of the Great Patriotic War (1941) witnessed two seemingly contradictory trends. First, the consolidation of collective and state ownership of the means of production throughout the economy prompted Joseph Stalin to declare that socialism had been achieved and that classes had been abolished. Second, Stalin's purges of the Bolshevik Party and dismantling of the soviets effectively overthrew workers' power and established the rule of the bureaucracy.The bureaucracy's continued ideological adherence to the state playing a central role in the egalitarian redistribution of wealth provided a veil of "socialism" that led many on the left to consider the Soviet Union to be some sort of "socialist," "revisionist," or "deformed workers' state." The prevalent failure to recognize the bureaucracy as a ruling class derives, in part, from the bureaucracy being divorced from a polar position in the relations of production, e.g., it neither owns capital per se nor necessarily appropriates surplus for its own benefit. Nevertheless, state enterprises are under [...]